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During their new government's learning curve, dispatch Turkish troops to Afghanistan


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By John Metzler
SPECIAL TO WORLD TRIBUNE.COM

Tuesday, November 11, 2003

UNITED NATIONS Ñ Whirling like a dervish, the Ankara government has seen its political positions spin on a number of key issues facing Turkish security from Iraq to Northern Cyprus. The last minute reversal of the recent plan to send up to ten thousand Turkish troops to Iraq to assist the U.S. has thrown extra planning confusion into the strategic mix for the second time in a year. Unfortunately, this may not be the last of the crossed signals between Ankara and Washington.

Significantly on the eve of the war against Saddam earlier this year, the vital Turkish contribution to what was to be the Northern Front waffled and then vanished. AnkaraÕs Òon again, off againÓ policies as to whether they would support the allied initiative ended essentially with the marginalization of Turkey in the Iraq war.

Why? Since last years election of Prime Minister Recep ErdoganÕs Islamic (lite) government, Turkish policy can be politely described being on a learning curve Ñ the savvy former political class Ñ whether left or right--has been sadly replaced by political neophytes who are playing a heady nationalistic game which could in the end be very harmful to AnkaraÕs long term interests.

Though Muslim country, the Turkish Republic founded by Kemal Ataturk has traditionally prided itself on being a secular and modernizing state; the powerful Turkish military have remained the guardians of this near-unique regional model.

Sadly the once rock hard determination of the Ankara government has become highly equivocal and politically elliptical; steadfast support offered by the Turks from the Korean War throughout the Cold War has now become based on the gyrating political considerations of a chaotic Parliament. Though Turkish public opinion has been overwhelmingly against war in neighboring Iraq, as is somewhat understandable, this has translated into wider confusion over TurkeyÕs regional role.

Just recently Prime Minister Recep Erdogan and the Parliament gave the green light for deployment of 10,000 troops from the countryÕs large and formidable land army. Then not surprisingly, the Iraqi Governing Council put up political roadblocks, saying that deployment of Turkish troops in the ethnically sensitive Kurdish regions in northern Iraq would be unwise. The Turks tried to assist the U.S., but given the history of the Ottoman empire in Iraq, BaghdadÕs response should have been foreseen.

Both Turkish Foreign Minister Abdullah Gul and Colin Powell agreed it would be prudent to drop plans to deploy these troops to Iraq. But the bottom line emerged as another political snafu for the U.S.

At issue remains the reliability and resolve of one of NATOÕs strongest links and the strategic land bridge between Europe and the Middle East.

Another complicating element remains the Ankara governmentÕs single-minded (many would argue misguided) determination to join the European Union , and conversely the EUÕs zeal to make the Turks jump through a series of political and social policy hoops. For example the European Commission has warned Ankara that plans for its EU accession entry talks to begin by 2005 could be jeopardized by the lack of a political settlement between the Greco/Turkish communities on the divided island of Cyprus.

The center-right daily Hurriyet opined, ÒThe EU is a monster... Whatever you do, you cannot satisfy it... If we join the EU, let us join honorably. The sale of Cyprus is on the table here. The EU has already manipulated part of Turkish Cypriot society. They have divided Turkish society from the inside.Ó

Less appreciated is that the key EU kingmakers Ñ Belgium, France and Germany Ñ have dangled discussions about membership before Ankara and have quietly hinted to Turkish politicos that by going the extra mile to help Washington in Iraq may lengthen the road Ankara must take to get to Brussels.

While Washington could have handled the Turkish political peregrinations better from the start, neither renewed begging, baksheesh, or playing hardball remains the answer. Rather a far more creative approach is needed.

Given that Turkish troops serve admirably as a key component of NATOÕs force in Afghanistan, and since the UN Security Council has approved this operation in the war on terror, the realistic policy would be to cajole Ankara into sending the 10,000 troops to Afghanistan to relieve pressure on American forces serving there. This equally reinforces the European dimension by sending fellow NATO troops to serve alongside German units in an equally important international mission.

The Pentagon would be wise to push for this realistic alternative.

John J. Metzler is a U.N. correspondent covering diplomatic and defense issues. He writes weekly for World Tribune.com.

Tuesday, November 1, 2003




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