But the entire Israeli-U.S. relationship often revolves around the
future of a Palestinian state. And, here the interests of Israel and the
United States vary significantly.
"Sometimes, you have to say no clearly, even to America," Yuval
Steinitz, former chairman of the Knesset Foreign Affairs and Defense
Committee, said.
The differences resurfaced on Tuesday when Prime Minister Ehud Olmert
and visiting U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice failed to agree on the
next step in Israeli-Palestinian peace efforts. Ms. Rice, directed to
achieve an Israeli-Palestinian peace agreement in the less than two years
left of the Bush administration, demanded that Israel launch negotiations
with the Palestinian Authority for the establishment of a Palestinian state.
The negotiations would also address the Palestinian demand for the
resettlement of millions of Arab refugees and their descendants in Israel.
Ms. Rice's plan, officials said, called for an international peace
conference that would include such Arab countries as Egypt and Saudi Arabia.
At the proposed conference, Israeli and Arab leaders would meet in
high-profile sessions meant to influence Israeli public opinion of the
benefits of fulfilling Arab terms of peace, particularly those of the Saudi
plan issued in 2002.
"We checked the proposal and it turns out that the Saudis have no
intention of meeting us or agreeing to any public contact," an official
said.
Quietly, Israeli officials report strains in a relationship with the
United States heavily influenced by Saudi oil as well as the need for Arab
cooperation to stabilize Iraq. They said the Bush administration has
repeatedly pressured Israel to accept initiatives in an effort to garner
Arab support for U.S. policy. The U.S. pressure has included a delay in the
delivery of weapons requested by Israel in wake of the 2006 war with
Hizbullah.
"Some in Washington wonder why Israel does not institute a voluntary
evacuation-compensation program in the West Bank settlements," Aluf Benn,
diplomatic correspondent of the influential Haaretz daily wrote on
Wednesday. "They see Olmert as too weak to evacuate settlements, but he can
start moving in that direction."
Still, the U.S. treatment of Israel was said to have become more
dismissive under Ms. Rice, regarded as being responsible for U.S. policy
toward Israel and the PA. They said that unlike the patient approach of
Secretary of State Colin Powell, Ms. Rice's behavior has been testy,
demanding immediate Israeli responses to far-reaching U.S. proposals.
"Condi's attitude has always been 'Don't keep me waiting,'" the official
said. "She might be personally sympathetic to Israel, but when she comes
here, she wants instant progress. There is very little empathy to our
problems."
Officials cited Ms. Rice's latest visit to Israel and the Palestinian
Authority. They said the secretary essentially demanded that Israel abandon
the U.S.-promoted roadmap, which stipulated interim commitments before final
status negotiations. The measures included an end to Palestinian attacks on
Israel and the suspension of Jewish construction in the West Bank.
"What they [Americans] are proposing is negotiations without peace,"
Steinitz said.
Ms. Rice's attitude reflects a U.S. expectation that Israel follow
Washington's dictates regardless of previous commitments, officials said.
Internal Security Minister Avi Dichter recalled U.S. criticism of Israel's
policy to kill Palestinians deemed insurgency commanders in an attempt to
prevent suicide and other operations against the Jewish state. The Israeli
policy was abandoned in late 2006.
"They told me, 'Avi, you have to stop the targeted killings,'" Dichter
recalled in a March 12 briefing to the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs.
"I said, 'We learned this from you in Afghanistan.'"
At that point, a senior unidentified U.S. official told Dichter, then
director of the Israel Security Agency, that Washington was not bound by any
restraints. In contrast, the official said, Israel, which receives about
$2.4 billion in annual military aid, must ask permission from the United
States to do just about anything.
"A superpower can do anything it wants," Dichter quoted the U.S.
official as saying. "A state can do a little more than allowed to by a
superpower."
A key Israeli-U.S. disagreement, officials said, concerns PA Chairman
Mahmoud Abbas. Olmert, who less than a year ago pledged to unilaterally
withdraw from the West Bank, has argued that Abbas lacks the authority and
will to honor his pledges, particularly to stop Palestinian missile strikes
from the Gaza Strip and release Israeli Cpl. Gilad Shalit.
On Wednesday, Palestinian gunners from the Gaza Strip fired six missiles
into Israel. Fatah's Al Aqsa Martyrs Brigades, which claims loyalty to
Abbas, announced responsibility for the strikes.
"We can't ignore the fact that the chairman of the Palestinian Authority
blatantly violated a series of commitments to Israel," Olmert said.
Ms. Rice and other administration officials do not dispute this,
officials said. But the Americans were said to insist that Abbas represented
an elected Palestinian leader willing to work with the United States and
could not be abandoned.
Another argument between Israel and the United States concerns the
Western effort to arm Palestinian troops loyal to Abbas. Israeli military
commanders have deemed counterproductive the Fatah armament and training
program to overcome the Hamas movement.
"There are more Fatah armed people in the Gaza Strip than Hamas," Maj.
Gen. Yoav Galant, head of the military's Southern Command, said. "That does
not mean they [Fatah] will fight."
"It is not up to Americans or Israelis to decide what will be the result
of the [Fatah-Hamas] struggle," Galant said. "If they decide to take over,
they will take over. You cannot create this artificially on the Fatah side."
Still, Ms. Rice could not leave Israel on the eve of the Arab League
summit in Riyad without an achievement. So after, hours of negotiations,
Olmert, expected to resign over the next few months amid criticism of his
conduct during the Israeli war against Hizbullah in mid-2006, agreed to the
U.S. secretary's demand to meet Abbas every two weeks.
"They achieved something, which is the very regularized meetings between
the two of them, in which they will not just talk about their day-to-day
issues, but also about a political horizon," Ms. Rice said on Tuesday.