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China wary of being upstaged by North Korea missile test
July 28, 1999
By Edward Neilan
Special to World Tribune.com
TOKYO--Chinese strategists feel that a rumored North Korean missile
shot in September would upstage their own ballistics missile fireworks
show planned to celebrate the 50th anniversary of the People's Republic of
China on October 1.
In some respects, Beijing is just as concerned about another missile
shot by Pyongyang as is Washington, Seoul and Tokyo. Analysts say Pyongyang
is likely to time its launch for Sept.9, the 51st anniversary of North
Korea's communist government. Another assessment puts the launch date
around Sept. 21.
China joined other nations at the recent ARF (Association of Southeast
Asian Nations Regional Forum. including foreign ministers from ASEAN,
European Union, U.S., Japan, China and eight other countries) meeting in
Singapore in calling for reduced tensions on the Korean Peninsula.
Diplomats and intelligence operatives in Beijing, Seoul and Tokyo have
been discussing the quandary which amounts to a public relations or
propaganda conflict between the two Asian communist allies.
China's plans for marking the half-century birthday of the PRC,
these sources say, are being revised to show displeasure over Taiwan
President Lee Teng-hui's July 9 statement that Taiwan-Mainland relations
hereafter should be viewed as "country-to-country," or at least as a
special "state-to-state" ties.
China has expressed anger and must show some meaningful response but
is taking a wait-and-see attitude. Lee's statement has come close to
checkmating political moves in the region.
Taiwan had grown tired of being referred to as a "renegade province"
under a one-China definition
that is at best a fanciful charade.
In fact, Taiwan has developed its institutions apart from China to
become a flourishing democracy and one of the world's great trading nations
and economic success stories. Politically, it is an anachronism
perpetuated by China's voodoo leverage over the rest of the world,
mainly the U.S.
A favored way to deal with Lee, advocated by some military
hardliners in Shanghai, would be to lob some late-model missiles in the
direction of Taiwan, in a repeat of the 1996 "missile crisis". This would
create intimidation and have the collateral benefit of showing that the
Chinese military was not a "paper tiger."
In 1996, the intimidation ploy backfired and Lee won the presidency.
But how many missiles this time? How close to Taiwan should they be
fired to send a meaningful message? Would such firings cause a boomerang
effect among ASEAN nations? Would relations with the U.S., inching toward
improvement after the Belgrade embassy bombing, be set back?
China has quietly told North Korean leader Kim Jong Il that his
scheduled trip to Beijing will be delayed indefinitely if he plays the
missile card irresponsibly.
Japan has made no preparations for either possibility. Whether a
propaganda missile is fired by Pyongyang, Beijing or both, Tokyo will
react indignantly after the fact.
The United States, tired of being labeled "soft on North Korea" and
full of itself after the relative success of air strikes in Kosovo, may be
eying the dockyards at Wonsan for air strikes to show Pyongyang that it
means business. The impact would be felt in Tokyo's Diet, and on the
agenda between Beijing and Washington. The setting is opportune to play out
the Pentagon adage "We prefer to fight one war at a time."
Without fanfare, the U.S has moved a second aircraft carrier into
Northeast Asian waters, with the USS Constellation joining the Yokosuka
home-ported USS Kittyhawk.
Cohen arrived in Tokyo early in the week and warned North Korea that
any ballistic missile test would have "serious implications" for its
relations with Washington. Although he didn't mention China by name, the
message was clear that the U.S. wouldn't tolerate China's use of force
against Taiwan.
In perspective, events have reached what some analysts believe to be
one of those periodic geopolitical turning points. Restraint or lack of
it, shown by the military forces of China, North Korea, United States,
South Korea and Taiwan over the next few weeks could define the
political-security landscape of Northeast Asia for years to come.
Edward Neilan (eneilan@crisscross.com) is a veteran journalist, based in Tokyo, who covers East Asia and writes weekly for World Tribune.com.
July 28, 1999
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